In the second half of the 20th century, American cities began to fall into disrepair. The reason for this state of affairs was not only economic or social change, but also urban planning decisions that led to the devastation of the historic urban fabric in the centres. The construction of the interstate highway system, intended to improve transport, played a key role in this transformation. This one actually contributed to the degradation of many neighbourhoods, especially those inhabited by African-American communities. The process led to a fractured urban fabric, depopulation and a huge increase in suburbanisation, as a result of which owning a car became almost a necessity.
From trams to cars
As recently as the first half of the 20th century, the majority of Americans still used mass transport. The daily commute was mainly by tram, whereas today 85 per cent of the workforce travels by car. This significant transformation has been the result of many factors, but the most significant impact has been the federal investment in the highway network. More than $425 billion was pumped into it over fifty years, resulting in nearly 80,000 kilometres of highways. The new system benefited rural communities and facilitated communication between remote points of the country, while also contributing to major destruction in almost all major cities. The highways cut through neighbourhoods, split communities, reduced tax revenues and caused an exodus of residents to the suburbs. No one wanted to live in ruined and unfriendly areas.
The power of interests and lack of planning
The construction of highways and their location was not a decision made by local communities. In fact, towns had limited influence over their route. Key decisions were made at the federal level, with strong input from the automotive industry and industry groups. As early as the 1930s, General Motors and the American Automobile Association began lobbying for public funding of road infrastructure. The automotive industry successfully convinced the public that road construction should be the responsibility of the state. At the same time, the perception of them was effectively changed. Roads were given the name ‘freeways’, which implied that they were free, even though they were funded by taxes. This linguistic manipulation played an important role in building public acceptance of the project.
American cities reinvented – a plan without urban planners
The concept of highways running through city centres was formally presented in the 1939 document ‘Toll Roads and Free Roads’. In the following years, the plans took concrete shape. In 1955, the Department of Trade published the so-called ‘Yellow Book’, which mapped out detailed routes for the new roads. The authors were mainly road engineers and representatives of the motor industry. Urban planners were virtually ignored in this process, with disastrous consequences as a result. The designers’ main objective was transport efficiency, not integration into the existing urban fabric. The Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956 ensured that 90 per cent of construction costs were covered by federal funds. In return, states had to agree to run highways through city centres. President Dwight Eisenhower supported the project for strategic reasons. In the event of war, the roads were to be used for evacuation and mobilisation of the armed forces.
‘Renewal’ through demolition
In many cases, the construction of highways was linked to the federal ‘urban renewal’ programme, which in practice meant the demolition of poor neighbourhoods inhabited by African-Americans. New roads cut through neighbourhoods considered ‘degraded’ and displaced their inhabitants. In their places, car parks, road interchanges and wide strips of tarmac were created. The result was the isolation of parts of the cities, the migration of residents and a decline in the quality of life. In Detroit, the I-375 motorway destroyed the historic Black Bottom and Paradise Valley neighbourhoods. Similar scenarios played out in many other precious places. Residents were displaced often with no real possibility of return. Local authorities and developers supported these projects in the hope of developing infrastructure and an influx of people to the suburbs.
American cities resisted
Not all projects were successful. In San Francisco, New York and Washington DC, local communities successfully blocked the construction of some sections. A case in point is Lower Manhattan, where the planned I-78 route was to cut through Greenwich Village and Chinatown. Thanks to protests led by Jane Jacobs, the project was halted. The usual resistance came from neighbourhoods inhabited by the wealthy and influential. In places without voting power, the highways were built as planned, destroying multi-ethnic communities and cultural heritage. The consequences of these decisions are still visible today in the form of depopulated city centres, vast empty spaces and social divisions.
The legacy of concrete
The interstate highway system was intended to improve communication and modernise the country. In practice, it also brought deep social and urban divisions. Demolished neighbourhoods, lost communities, broken cities and the multi-generational effects of displacement are part of the legacy of this project. Today, American cities are attempting to reverse these effects. There are initiatives to demolish highways, revitalise blighted areas and restore space to residents. However, the story of highways in the United States remains a warning to the world at large against making infrastructural decisions without the participation of communities and urban planners. It is they who are in a position to realise the long-term consequences of such actions.
Source: iqc.ou.edu, culturecritic.beehiiv.com
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Downtown Kansas City in the early 20th century and today. Photo: culturecritic.beehiiv.com
City streets of Cincinnati, 1920s and today. Photo: trending.ebaumsworld.com
Detroit – left, view along Hastings Street, 19 March 1959. right, same view after Chrysler Freeway construction, 29 November 1961 Source: Detroit Historical Society
San Diego, 1956 and 2014. source: iqc.ou.edu
Providence, 1955 and 2013. source: iqc.ou.edu
Rochester, 1951 and 2014. source: iqc.ou.edu
Pittsburgh, 1952 and 2014. source: iqc.ou.edu
Kansas City, 1955 and 2014. source: iqc.ou.edu
Detroit, 1951 and 2010. source: iqc.ou.edu
Cincinnati, 1955 and 2013. source: iqc.ou.edu
